John M. Onyango Odongo 103 years old Acholi scholar one of the oldest person remaining in Acholi Sub Region

Global Politics

UGANDA: ONLY HONEST DIALOGUE CAN SAVE UGANDA-NOT SHAM ELECTIONS

Okumu Langol January 17, 2020

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Mzee Onyango Odongo

Uganda‟s hydra-headed political problem, which should be critically analyzed by Elites and eliminated, before President Yoweri Museveni retired, is the least recognized but, in the long run, the most insidious evil effect of the ingenious dictatorial rule by the legally elected President, who is faithfully supported by the openly sectarian Police Force and the Army.

KAMPALA-UGANDA President Yoweri Museveni‟s guidance is desirable here, because he has vast experience in fighting this abominable strong man rule. We should remember that it was Museveni‟s implacable resentment of this unmistakable leaven of Satan‟sown culture of despotism that prompted him to enter the bush, to fight and defeat the proponents in order to replace it with a Civilized Governance.

Political Supplement

Overview

President Yoweri Museveni‟s guidance is desirable here, because he has vast experience in

fighting this abominable strong man rule. We should remember that it was Museveni‟s implacable resentment of this unmistakable leaven of Satan‟sown culture of despotism that

prompted him to enter the bush, to fight and defeat the proponents in order to replace it with a Civilized Governance.

This outmoded despotism was introduced in Uganda by the first Prime Minister, Milton Obote. He revealed his worldly ambition and lust to dominate and rule people of Uganda, before he became the first Prime Minister. It was after the alliance of Kabaka Yekka with his UPC, when he wrote a flattering letter to the Russian Foreign Minister, Gromyko, to acknowledgereceipt of fund which the USSR government had donated to the UPC.

In that letter which was secretly circulated by the DP in northern Uganda in December 1961, he wrote interalia as follows:

Kabaka Mutesa of Buganda and his blundering advisers have surrendered to us today, bringing with them the mass of misguided Baganda. These are now committed to vindicate every one of our political action in order to uphold their false honour and prestige among their ignorant supporters.

This has immensely lessened our problems and has brought our final victory over the forces of backwardness within sight. When time becomes propitious, the moribund Kabakaship will be gallantly liquidated and the opposition DP will be muzzled and made defunct. Thereafter the socialist programme will be boldly introduced and systematically implemented without any fear or impediment from any quarter. ¹

¹Apollo Milton Obote‟s Letter to Moscow on file of Opposition Leader

The Dawn of Obote’s Dictatorship after he became the Prime Minister

When the UPC, in alliance with the Kabaka Yekka (KY) movement, won the elections in April 1962, Obote scornfully excluded Kakonge’s name from the list of names for the ten seats, which he presented to the newly elected UPC/KY members of parliament, with instructions to them to vote for the ten names in block. Consequently, Kakonge was adroitly left out of the Parliament and, since he was not a member of parliament, Obote did not appoint him a cabinet minister.

John Kakonge, pictured below, was bewildered. He ran to Julius Nyerere of Tanganyika for help but Nyerere could not intervene. Obote ordered Kakonge by telephone to return home and, when he got back, Obote appointed him to be the Director of Planning outside the Cabinet and Parliament although he was the Secretary General of the party in power.

JOHN KAKONGE

But Kakonge remained the most popular Secretary General of the UPC. Obote could not touch

him because the constitution of the UPC, which stemmed from Musaazi‟s defunct UNC, did not

allow Obote to appoint and dismiss members of the Executive Committee at will. For this

reason, Obote‟s first priority was to amend the UPC Constitution, which was impervious to his

dictatorial tendency, to give him power to manage UPC singlehandedly.

However, Kakonge realized that it would not pay to argue with the UPC President, Obote, and accepted the new reality. He began serving Obote obsequiously with all heart. After a short time Obote‟s Chief Spy, Akena Adoko, advised Obote that Kakonge was thoroughly tamed and should be allowed to enter Parliament. Obote agreed with Akena Adoko and Paulo Muwanga, who was holding one of the ten specially elected seats, was appointed Ambassador to Cairo, and his seat became vacant. Hence Kakonge entered the Parliament and Obote appointed him Minister of Agriculture.

On becoming a minister, Kakonge‟s popularity again soared very high among the youths. They

adored him and began to call him „‟UPC President in waiting‟‟. This scared Obote out of his wits. He decided to remove Kakonge from the post of secretary generalship and started looking for a party member who could challenge Kakonge successfully. He picked Grace Ibingira from Ankole. Hence during the UPC Annual General Meeting held in Gulu in 1964, to elect office bearers, Busoga Territory turned up with two sets of delegations. Members of the first set of delegation, to report at the Conference venue were holding a new type of cards. When they were stopped at the Gate, a senior UPC official rushed there and admitted them. A few minutes later, the official delegates, who were holding the traditional UPC cards, arrived and the gate-keepers refused them entry. Hence Busoga, with the strange set of delegates, gave Grace Ibingira 100% votes. As a result he easily defeated John Kakonge and took over the job of Secretary General.

In this way Obote reduced the previously proud and popular Secretary General of the UPC into a humble supplicant. Kakonge himself realized the futility of fighting back and submitted whole-heartedly to serve Obote faithfully. This was the first misuse of power by the head of government.

Obote’s second victim within the UPC Executive Committee was Eric Otema – Alimadi from Acholi. At the time of the April 1962 general elections to Parliament, Obote scornfully left out Otema-Alimadi and nominated Peter Oola to stand as a Parliamentary Candidate on the UPC ticket. UPC supporters in Acholi strongly protested but in vain. In the end they urged Otema-Alimadi to stand as an independent candidate. This splited the UPC votes and Alex Latim of the DP won the elections. Otema-Alimadi vowed to wreck the UPC in Acholi but Obote acted quickly by giving him a fat job, as Uganda’s Permanent Representative to the United Nation Organisation (UNO). This pacified Otema-Alimadi and he was made aware that Obote was a demi-god in Uganda and, therefore, it did not pay to argue with him.

After elimination of potential politicians, who were likely to compete with him, Obote turned his attention on the young Army. The out gone Army commanders had unanimously recommended Major Augustine Karugaba, who graduated from the famous British Royal Military Academy, Sandhurst, to command the army.

But Karugaba was catholic from Kigezi, and Obote could not trust him. Hence Obote posted him away from the Barracks to the Office of the Prime Minister, and gave him nothing to do.

Obote‟s destruction of Karugaba‟s highly promising military career was the quintessence of the crude dictatorial tendencies which prefaced the African political independence and later sparked off the spate of military coup d‟état against the first generation of African Presidents including Obote who should have fallen early, if Karugaba had any army support within the Army. But he was left by the opportunistic politicians to suffer the injustice alone, simply because he was not likely to help Obote rule Uganda dictatorially.

The First Misuse of the Army

Having placed the young Army under his heels, Obote then ordered his new Army commander, Brig. Opolot, to organise a good Army unit for deployment in the Congo. Opolot made a mistake by revealing to Sir Edward Mutesa, who had then become the Head of State of Uganda that he was working on a military project for Congo. Obote cursed him for having divulged the secret and decided there and then to ruin his career in the manner he destroyed Major Augustine

Karugaba‟s. Like the young Karugaba, Opolot proved incapable to defend himself against Obote. The destruction of Opolot, pictured below, could have been the second cause of a military coup against Obote, but he was left untouched.

BRIGADIER OPOLOT

The Historical Events which led to Amin’s Coup d’état

Having removed Brigadier Shaban Opolot (pictured above) from the post of Army Commander, it became necessary to promote Amin to Commander, leaving the post of Army Chief of Staff empty. Therefore, to make doubly sure of his own political security, which came to depend on the support of the army, Obote decided that a soldier who was to fill that important post must be a well-known son of Lango. Consequently, he held a private meeting with his trusted cousin, Akena Adoko, and they selected a poorly educated Lango Officer, named Lt Col Mesusera Arach who, like Opolot and Amin, was commissioned from the rank of a Company Sergeant Major (CSM), to fill this key post in the army.

We were made to know that Mr. Wilson Lutara, an Acholi who was the Secretary for Defense, was never invited to the meeting at which Obote selected Lt Col Mesusera Arach to fill the technically important post in the nascent Uganda Army.

At that time, many senior army Officers were already disillusioned and were timidly complaining of what they regarded as unjust promotions of less suitable officers on political considerations, or just on degree of consanguinity.

It was rumoured that Obote’s Chief of General Service, Naphlin Akena Adoko, who was feared by the Permanent Secretaries like a demi-God, was surprised by Lutara’s courageous criticism of Obote’s decision. He reported his alleged stormy meeting with Lutara to President Obote and Lutara was summoned to the Office of the President, to explain why he derided a Presidential decision. It was said that Lutara punctiliously reported to President Obote and was served with a verbal ultimatum – either to implement the decision to appoint Mesusera Arach to the high office

of the Army Chief of Staff or to resign. Lutara opted to resign. Obote who thought no one could resign from the lucrative post of Permanent Secretary merely on the ground of moral principle, was surprised. He ordered Lutara to go back to the Ministry of Defense Headquarters and put his decision, to resign, in writing to him. It is said that after barely three hours, President Obote received Lutara’s letter of resignation. He never expected Lutara to leave the lucrative post of Permanent Secretary on the ground of moral principles, but there was not much he could do.

It was said Obote had another private meeting with Akena Adoko and they agreed to postpone the controversial appointment of Mesusera Arach to the post of Army Chief of Staff. He summoned Lutara again and threw the letter of resignation at him, roaring that he should withdraw it and name any Ministry to which he would like to be posted. But Lutara refused. It was said Obote was scared and barely concealed his worry as Lutara left.

The departure of Wilson Lutara from the Ministry of Defense, however, did not give Obote freedom to appoint Mesusera Arach to the post of Army Chief of Staff. Some senior Army Officers made it known to President Obote and his advisers that they would not work under Mesusera Arach. For this reason the post of Army Chief of Staff was perpetually left vacant.

The most wicked political crime of Milton Obote

The worst political crime which the Prime Minister, Milton Obote, committed during his retrogressive rule in Uganda was his barbarous onslaught onto Christianity. Any Ugandan historian, who knows real versions of Uganda history, should be able to recall the fateful day on which the Prime Minister, Milton Obote, issued a Draconian Decree, in which he ordered his government to compulsorily acquire and own all primary schools, secondary schools and all teachers training colleges owned by Christian Churches throughout Uganda.

That Decree was actively effected although Obote‟s Government had not produced any well

developed religious doctrine and school curriculum, to replace the exquisite education system, which the enterprising Christian Missionaries, who were given exclusive responsibility by the outgoing British Colonial Authority, to educate native children for employment by the colonial government, had meticulously designed and gradually improved overtime.

The change of ownership of all schools in Uganda, from Christian Churches to Obote‟s government, instantly stopped these schools from producing persons governed by the Divine Laws of God. Instead they began to produce persons governed by Secular Laws. Consequently, the percentage of law abiding citizens, who could ward off temptations to commit crimes, when they remembered God‟s commandments, decreased. In contrast, the percentage of criminals instantly increased, because the persons governed by secular laws, who feared the police only, would brutally commit crimes, when they didn‟t see Police around.

The worst thing which Obote did was to prohibit Religious Leaders from giving guidance for the teaching of their religions in schools. Hence Uganda schools ceased to produce persons governed by God‟s Laws. This is what happened in Uganda, to create the appalling moral wickedness we are witnessing today.

Senior members of the UPC Executive Committee strongly disagreed with Milton Obote, but deluded himself with the false believe that he was supported by the people, Obote thought he could achieve his lust of dominance without support of the National Executive Committee of the UPC. Hence he ignored the advice of his colleagues and launched his aborted “Meet People Tour”, hoping to galvanize massive support for his megalomania. He began the “Meet People Tour” from Acholiland. Five well known politicians from the then weak Opposition DP, came out gallantly to oppose Obote. They articulated a better method of giving political education to the masses, in the rallies, which successfully countered Milton Obote‟s introductory teaching of Socialist System of governance, with clear and simple definition of democracy. The 5 valiant DP men were: (1) Boniface Byanyima from Ankole. (2) Gaspare Oda from Arua. (3) Martin Okello from Pakwach, West Nile District. (4) Hyginus Jino Obonyo from Agago, Acholi District. (5) Alex Alija Latim from Gulu, Acholi.

Milton Obote‟s first meeting was held at Kaunda Ground in Gulu. It was boycotted by local UPC Leaders and DP. Obote attributed the failure of the local UPC leaders to attend his meeting to internal wrangles for leadership position in the party. He assumed that the Arua meeting could be better, and proceeded to Arua with confidence. On the second day after his arrival, the Arua meeting began with an abnormally small audience. Nevertheless Obote began by teaching the people his plan to replace the “Exploitative Capitalist System” with pro-people “African Socialist System”, which stemmed from “Eastern Socialism”

The Arua audience, which was predominantly Christians who were taught to believe that Eastern Socialism was the offspring of Marxism, did not welcome the extolled “African Socialism”. Many of them jeered at the encomium of Eastern Socialism, and sullenly walked out from the small audience, one after another.

Obote realized that his widely advertised “Meet People Tour” was not working. Hence he abandoned it and resorted to use Army, to rule the gullible people of Uganda with guns. He remained in Arua, to plan how to win over the top Army Commanders. Thus he sent urgent order to all members of the Army High Command Council, to report to Arua for an important meeting. All the commanders faithfully reported to him in Arua and the meeting was held. I learned how Obote duped the Army Officers into supporting him from one Senior Commander, who was my close relative.

I visited this officer in the way I had usually done, when he had just returned from Arua. He did not warmly receive me as he usually did. After formal greeting, we commented about weather conditions. Then I inquired if his Arua trip was good. He coldly responded that everything was fine, then asked me rather rudely “Onyango, are you still a DP supporter?” I answer “Yes”. He responded “So you people are not afraid to die!” I was puzzled and could not answer.

After a few minutes he continued “ The Prime Minister told us that you DP people have a stupid plan to dismiss all Senior Army Officers, who have no secondary education from the Army, if

DP captured power and formed a government. But as you have no guns, is that not courting death?”

Obote has vowed to do all he can, to stop your DP from taking power. Hence the Army will give him full support. You must leave that useless party.

This was the way I learned of how the Army vowed to support Obote alone. Back in Kampala, the Senior Members of the UPC Executive Committee, who were also Cabinet Ministers, convened special Cabinet Meeting on the 4^th February 1966, and reversed the resolution of the Cabinet which met under Obote on 31^stJanuary 1966 and resolved to oppose Gold Allegation Motion moved by Honorable Daudi Ocheng, to suspend Colonel Idi Amin from duty, to enable Police to investigate allegations against him, that he stole Gold from Congo. Daudi Ocheng then moved his motion in the afternoon, on the same day,4^th February 1966. It was supported by all Cabinet Ministers who attended the Parliamentary Meeting on that day. Only Honorable John Kakonge opposed it.

Milton Obote, who already won army to his side, did not rush back to Kampala. He discarded political activity and he remained in Arua to plan military action against his UPC colleagues in Government. He returned to Kampala on 12^th February 1966 and began to work with Police and Army only. On the 22^nd February 1966, he began his first non-political action against his UPC colleagues. His cousin Akena Adoko, proudly wrote of this on page 68 of his book, Uganda Crisis, published by African Publishers Ltd, Kampala, in 1970, as follows:

On that twenty-second day, just before the cock crowed thrice, the Premier called a meeting attended by Police Chief, Erinayo Oryema, Secretary for Defence Wilson Lutara, Permanent Secretary, Home Affairs Mr. Olwoch, Chief Protocol Akena. Lakidi and Ojera happened also to be in; the meeting was for civil not political servants. In a rather sombre mood and to everyone’s surprise, Premier said the time had come to defend our nation from machinations of both Mutesa-Ibingira.

Ibingira, Ngobi, Magezi, Lumu, Kirya, were all to be arrested. None of them was to escape. The best place to find them all was the cabinet meeting-hall. “Go and workout full details. Leave no room for peccadilloes, excuses or oversight. All I want is that the five must be in at noon today, without any failure at all.”

At the end of the meeting many police men ran in. startled cabinet ministers froze as they saw their colleagues handcuffed and taken away. Overzealous Policemen arrested a wrong person and had to be corrected: “Not that one, but this one here” quickly all the five of them were rushed to police transports, driven to prisons and served with deportation warrants.

Two days after the arrest of the 5 Ministers, on the 24^th February 1966, the Prime Minister, Milton Obote, called the Press at 7:00Pm and suspended the 1962 Constitution. Hence the posts

of the President, the Vice President and position of the Members of Parliament, which existed under the suspended 1962 Constitution, were also abolished automatically.

Then later, on 15 April 1966, Milton Obote summoned 59 former MPs who were dismissed on 24^th February 1966, when the 1962 Constitution, under which they were elected was suspended, and illegally used them as if they were legitimate law makers of Uganda, to impose on the people of Uganda an interim Constitution, which replicated Adolf Hilter‟s Nazi Constitution of 1933. The 1966 interim Constitution elevated Milton Obote, to the Executive President of Uganda, Head of State, Head of Government, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, and the Fountain of Honor, who was not liable to proceedings in any Court.

Obote‟s Cousin, Akena Adoko, proudly wrote about the ruthlessness with which that interim constitution was imposed, on page 84 of his book: Uganda Crisis, published by African Publishers Ltd, Kampala, as follows:

Loathing dictatorial rule; loathing all rule by decree, Obote, and Cabinet worked all day and worked all night on a new Constitution meant to bring to Uganda Unitary Government, and abolish for ever Federal relationship. No more conflict were key words in the New Constitution. Federalism produced Clashes between governments at the centre and regions, and held back developments. The new Constitution would merge the two important posts of the Chief Executive, and Constitutional Head of State of Uganda and avoid a clash between them.

On the fifteenth of April Nineteen hundred sixty-six, Obote made history. He introduced in the House a constitution which many had not read or even heard of:

“We Ugandans do resolve, and it is hereby resolved, to abolish the ’62 Uganda Constitution. It is hereby abolished. Now a new Constitution is laid before us here. Let it be adopted now. It is hereby adopted on this fifteenth April day Nineteen sixty-six A.D. This is now provisional Uganda Constitution till another enactment.”

“Fellow citizens if you”, added Milton Obote, “go down to your pigeon holes you will find your own copies of the new Constitution whose contents I now disclose”.

In that unusual fashion; in that un-Obote way an interim constitution was enacted there and then. There were fifty five votes for, and four votes against it.²

²AkenaAdoko–UgandaCrisis, Opcit

Like Adolf Hitler who became Fuehrer of Germany, Obote wrote his 1967 Uganda Constitution, which made him a self-styled President of the arbitrarily imposed Republic of Uganda. He became Head of State, Head of Government and Commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces and the Fountain of Honor, who was not liable to prosecution in any court.

Milton Obote achieved his pyrrhic victory over the progressive forces led by the DP and UPC single handedly. His aborted “Meet People Tour” had conclusively proved that the people of Uganda were not supporting him. But in his politically tailored versions of Uganda history, Obote brazenly claimed that he abolished federal system of governance, because it had produced clashes between governments at the center and regions.

In order to justly accept or justly dismiss Obote‟s claim, let us find out if the excellent 1962 Constitution, which the outgoing British Authority produced and left with uson the 9^th October 1962, to govern and regulate our socio-economic activities, as well as moral behaviors of our leaders, was the repository of instability, which caused conflicts.

Monumental Work of the British Authority on the Political Front

When the British Colonial Authority began, wholeheartedly, to prepare Uganda for political independence, the responsible British Officials, who were doing the work, realized that the Colonial System of Indirect Rule, which they had developed, to rule Ugandan ethnic groups separately, was not suitable for the management of an independent sovereign nation. They saw shortcomings in the colonial economic policy and the administrative laws, which were enacted for autocratic use by the Governor. Hence, in 1960 the British Authority appointed a well-funded committee of experts, under the chairmanship of a highly qualified Administrative Secretary, J.V. Wild, to draw up constitutional laws for every major ethnic group within Uganda, to empower them to manage their own affairs.

Within six months, J.V. Wild‟s Committee identified the pre-colonial native political entities, which were loosely gathered by the British into the Uganda Protectorate and meticulously re-organized them separately into 5 Federal States of Buganda Kingdom, Ankole Kingdom, Bunyoro Kingdom, Toro Kingdom and Busoga Territory, and the kingless people were reorganized separately into 10 Autonomous Districts of Acholi, Bugisu, Bukedi, Karamoja, Kigezi, Lango, Madi, Sebei, Teso and West Nile. The relevant Constitution reads as follows:

THE CONSTITUTION OF UGANDA

CHAPTER I

UGANDA AND ITS TERRITORIES

This Constitution is the supreme law of Uganda and, subject to the provisions of section 5 and 6 of this constitution, if any other law is inconsistent with this Constitution, this Constitution shall prevail and the other law shall, to the extent of inconsistency, be void.

(1) Uganda consists of Federal States, Districts and the territory of Busoga.

(2) The Federal States are the Kingdom of Buganda, the Kingdom of Ankole, the Kingdom of Bunyoro, the Kingdom of Toro and the territory of Busoga.

The Districts are the Districts of Acholi, Bugisu, Bukedi, Karamoja, Kigezi, Lango, Madi, Sebei, Teso and West Nile.

The sovereignty of the five federal states, which managed their domestic affairs without interference from central government, was exercised according to well written constitutions. To enable the kingless people of Uganda, to exercise their sovereignty smoothly, they were granted powers to establish the de facto state councils called District Councils, and to create posts of the Constitutional Heads of their Districts, who were vested with the sovereignty of the people, to enable them to work like rulers of the Districts. The relevant Chapter VIII of the constitution states as follows:

CHAPTER VIII

ADMINISTRATION OF THE DISTRICTS

88.(1) There shall be a Council for each District, which shall have such functions in relation to the administration of the District as may be conferred upon it by any law.

The Council of a District may by resolution make provision for its own membership.

(1) Parliament may make provision for establishing the office of constitutional head of a District, for the appointment of persons to that office, their tenure of office and their ceremonial functions or for authorizing of the Council of a District to make such provision.

The Constitutional head of a District shall assent to all legislative resolutions passed by the Council of the District and make such appointments to the office of

any Chief or the officer of the District as the Appointments Board of the District may recommend.

The 1962 Uganda Constitution was the first authentic democratic law, which had restored the inalienable birthright of liberty to choose and to act independently, to the people of the 5 new Federal States of Buganda, Bunyoro, Toro, Ankole and Busoga; and to the people of the 10 kingless Districts of Acholi, Bugisu, Bukedi, Karamoja, Kigezi, Lango, Madi, Sebei, Teso, and West Nile, who were militarily conquered by British colonizers and subjugated to dictatorial rule by the out gone British imperialists, from 1900 to 1961.

The restored law made all the Districts of Uganda Autonomous Political Entities, over which Politicians who formed the first Central Government of independent Uganda had no control. It made the 5 Federal States and the 10 Autonomous Districts ready to assume full responsibility for the governance of their own individual tribes. What remained to be done was to create supreme state council and frame a sound National Constitution, to bring the 5 Federal States and the 10 Autonomous Districts together, to create the new independent Uganda Nation.

The 1961 Lancaster House Conference, failed to provide the superstructure of political system needed to create the new Uganda Nation. Instead the conference made temporary arrangement for Her Majesty British Queen to be the Head of State of the Independent Uganda, while experts were to write authentic indigenous Uganda Political System, to create Uganda Nation.

Milton Obote alone scornfully scrapped that temporary arrangement and proceeded to do what is recounted in the precedingparagraphs. Politicians who criticized him were locked up in jail without trial. Even the Editor of Intellectual Magazine called “Transitions” named Rajat Neogy, was locked up for printing articles, which criticizes Obote. Hence silence reigned.

The 1966 interim Constitution was modified and enacted by illegally reconstituted Parliament, into the 1967 Constitution. Milton Obote then proceeded obstinately to weed out army officers he did not trust, in order to build an army of his blind supporters, who would shoot first and ask questions later. This manipulation of the army prepared the ground for Idi Amin‟s military coup-d‟état in 1971.

At that time Obote ingeniously convened a spurious UPC National Convention at Mbale, to enable the UPC to endorse his illegal action against Ugandans, and to empower him to establish totalitarian rule in Uganda for the first time. This Mbale UPC Conference dominated by the thoroughly intimidated men and women,meekly endorsed the abolition of the five federal states; fragmentation of the monolithic Buganda into four districts and replacement of the democratic constitution of the UPC with undemocratic Constitution, which gave the UPC President formidable dictatorial powers, to manage the party like his private business firm. To create the UPC National Executive Council, the election process was abolished and the President was empowered to appoint every member. The relevant Article 7(4) reads as follows:

7(4) The President shall, immediately after his election, appoint a Vice President. Treasurer and Assistant Treasurer, Secretary-General and Assistant Secretary-General, and National Chairman and National Vice Chairman, all of whom shall be members of the Central Executive Committee. The President shall have powers to dismiss or replace any of the members so appointed by him.

After getting absolute power to hire and fire UPC leaders at will, Obote then reorganized the 4th Kings AfricanRiffles (KAR) Unit, handed down from British Colonialism, to form the nucleus of the nascent national army of independent Uganda, into his exclusive private army. His despotic control of the army was clearly spelled out in the 1967 Republican Constitution, Article 78, as follows:

78 (1) The supreme command of the Armed Forces of Uganda shall vest in the President.

The powers conferred upon the President by clause (1) of this article shall include,

Power to determine the operational use of the Armed Forces;

Power to appoint members of the Armed Forces, to make appointments on promotion to any office in the Armed Forces and to dismiss any member of the Armed Forces.

(3) The President may, by direction in writing and subject to such conditions as he thinks fit, delegate to any member of the Armed Forces any of the powers mentioned in clause (2) of this article.

Obote as a civilian President, was it proper for him alone to appoint, promote, and dismiss army commanders, from the top to the bottom, including company commanders? Ponder over this. When the 1967 Republican Constitution was enacted, all army soldiers in Uganda found themselves in the military servitude from which they were not allowed to hold opinions which differed from those of the President. The Army Commander, Idi Amin, Inspector General of Police, Erinayo Oryema, became Obote‟s bodyguards instead of being national leaders. Hence they escorted him to all political rallies which were not government functions, as shown by the picture below:

Idi Amin’s 25th January 1971 Military Coup d’état

In 1971, before he left for the Commonwealth Leaders Conference in Singapore. President Obote ordered his trusted army officers to arrest and detain Idi Amin, who was accused to have then become disloyal to him. He wanted him behind bars while he was in Singapore. But Amin was not a fool. Unlike Major Karugaba and Brigadier Shaban Opolot, he had built himself a big support within the Army. So he turned around and kicked Obote out of power. This halted Obote’s pursuit of absolute power in Uganda. Our private research has revealed that Amin never contemplated any coup against Obote before. The military coup d‟état of 25^th January 1971 would not have occurred in Uganda had Obote not ordered for Amin’s arrest and detention.

Milton Obote sought refuge in Tanzania, taking with him many of his loyal Army Commanders. Yoweri Museveni who had been working in the Office of the President as a research officer followed Obote to Dar es Salaam.

The fundamental fact, which everyone ought to know, is that Idi Amin never had intention to oust Obote from power. He was forced to act as he did to save himself from Obote‟s plan to destroy him. This fact was confirmed by the near absence of Army Officers from his first Cabinet to which he appointed only three uniformed men. The three men were Lt.Col. Obitre-Gama from the Army; Inspector General of Police – Erinayo Oryema, and Commissioner of Prisons – Fabian Okware. The rest were civilians, who were selected for Idi Amin by his brother-in-law, Wanume Kibedi, who gave himself the senior Executive Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

However, the intellectuals in the cabinet and government did not live up to Amin‟s expectations. They revealed themselves to be victims of rote learning, who could not think and act independently. When Amin discovered that the Ugandan economy was remotely controlled by the British, through British citizens of Asian origin, he was annoyed beyond control. He asked his ministers to advise him how to liberate the Ugandan Economy, but the Ministers had no clear ideas. Hence Amin proceeded without their assistance.

Therefore, while in a state of rage, Amin organized a census to find out the exact number of Asians who were foreigners and those who were Uganda citizens. The results indicated that over

80% were British citizens, about 10% were Indian or Pakistani citizens and only about 1% were Ugandans. Worse still, these British citizens of Asian origin did not regard Uganda as their home. They kept all their business profits in British Banks outside Uganda. For this reason, Amin declared his internationally unpopular, but locally popular, „‟Economic War‟‟ and acted as recorded by history.

On discovering that the civilians in the cabinet and government were poorly educated men and women, who were not creative thinkers, Amin eventually thought he was the only clever man, and became drunk with power. Hence he invaded Tanzania, and declared Kagera Salient to be a province of Uganda. President Nyerere of Tanzania had no alternative, but to declare war against him. Two foreign powers namely Britain and USA came out to support Tanzania. Therefore, to Ugandan politicians, it became clear that Amin could not survive. This gave Ugandans a second chance to democratize their country.

Amin was defeated and the Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF) formed the government, but without a National Army to protect that government. Therefore, although it had the best plans to democratize Uganda, Obote torpedoed the plans and re-established dictatorship, in Uganda, in December 1980. Consequently, Uganda lost that second chance to become a modern nation.

Rise of the armed opposition groups

The opposition groups in Uganda unanimously condemned Muwanga‟s Legal Notice No. 10 of 1980 and the installation of Milton Obote as President. They rejected Obote and vehemently vowed to claim political power from the UPC with guns. During the first week of January 1981, five groups held a secret meeting in an isolated house at Makindye, in order to form a united front, like the then defunct UNLF, to co-ordinate liberation war against Obote’s illegitimate UPC Government. That meeting brought together representatives of five dissident groups listed below:

The Democratic Party Faction led by Francis Bwengye: Francis Bwengye – The Secretary General of the DP

The Uganda Patriotic Movement (UPM):

Lieutenant Sam Magara – Representing Yoweri Museveni

The Uganda Freedom Movement (UFM):

Dr. Andrew Lutakome Kayiira – Overall Leader

The Federalist Democratic Movement (FEDEMO): George Nkwanga – Army Commander

UNLA Faction Opposed to Obote’s Rule:

Lt. Col. Peter Oboma – Commanding Officer, Moroto Battalion.

Dr. Andrew Lutakome Kayira of UFM was unanimously elected to chair the meeting. He briefed the participants about the purpose of the meeting – to form a united front, which would co-

ordinate efforts of the democrats who rejected Obote’s rule, to rid Uganda of his bad leadership. The proposal was adopted there and then – that the participants agreed to form an executive committee to co-ordinate the struggles.

When a short communiqué was prepared and brought for signature, Lieutenant Sam Magara, who represented the UPM, told the meeting that he was not authorised by Yoweri Museveni to sign any document on his behalf, which may commit his group to any terms or conditions. This dampened the patriotic fervor generated by the contents of the very document.

Leaders of the other groups unanimously agreed that the executive committee should be founded even without Museveni’s group. But the Chairman, Andrew Kayira, earnestly asked them to postpone launching of the front until Museveni was persuaded to come in. Consequently, special invitation letter was sent to Yoweri Museveni, pleading with him to attend the second meeting, which was arranged to take place at Bunamwaya on the following Sunday, in person and without fail.

On the appointed day representatives of the five groups converged at the meeting venue at around 10:00 am. This time Yoweri Museveni arrived punctiliously and was received with great enthusiasm. Lt. Sam Magara and EllyTumwine accompanied him. Dr. Kayiira was unanimously re-affirmed as Chairman of the meeting. He formally welcomed the participants and opened the meeting. There were only three items on the agenda for discussion – communication from the Chair; creation of a single united front; and AOB.

How Yoweri Museveni First Exposed his Abhorrence of Democracy

When Dr. Kayiira concluded his brief communication from the Chair, just as he was about to introduce the agenda for discussion, Yoweri Museveni intervened with a strong complaint. He said the meeting was not properly constituted because the participants included “non -military combatants, who knew nothing about armed political struggles”. Then he vehemently suggested, actually demanded, that only soldiers should discuss the formation of the armed political movement for which the meeting was convened. When the participants spontaneously and questioningly glanced at Dr. Kayiira, who was a civilian, as if they wanted to know his status, Museveni hurriedly said: “but Dr. Kayiira is a well known freedom fighter, so he is qualified to sit on this meeting”. In the end, only three politicians were asked to leave the meeting room and the door was closed. These politicians were Francis Bwenge, DP Secretary-general; Onyango Odongo, DP Chairman Gulu District and Olok Apire, Director of Army legal services.

The soldiers remained behind the closed door, haggling among themselves for about two hours. Then the closed-door meeting eventually ended. The excluded politicians were not surprised to learn that the united front was not founded after all. The visibly disappointed soldiers reported that Yoweri Museveni had adamantly refused to concur with the common position taken by the other leaders, that any armed political movement, which was to be founded specifically to dismantle the UNLA, which they correctly said was already Obote’s private army, should be

democratically established. In other words, they believed that such a united front should be collectively owned, controlled and managed by a democratically elected strong National Executive Committee, composed of both army commanders and seasoned politicians, who would form a policy organ.

Elaborating on the kind of liberation movement which they had in mind, Dr. Kayiira stressed that: “to ensure orderly transformation of the ex-colonial system of state management, left behind by the British, into an inviolable system of democracy, the National Executive Committee should be the sole authority to direct and control all political activities of the liberation movement, leaving only military operation matters to be handled by members of the Army High Command, who also doubled as members of the National Executive Committee”.

But Yoweri Museveni rejected the proposal for democratic control of the army. He arrogantly claimed that he already owned a “well trained and properly organised fighting force, ready to begin the liberation war against Obote’s UNLA”. That he was not prepared “to disturb the good work already done, for the sake of forming a democratic movement”. He advised the other leaders to accept his own proposal, that any Ugandans who wanted to join the liberation war against Obote’s illegitimate Government should simply join his fighting force, individually, and they should be prepared to become ordinary freedom fighters, who will not demand for participation in decision-making.

The strong disagreement between Yoweri Museveni and the other freedom fighters ruled out any possibility to create a democratic united front in Uganda, to fight for real democracy. Each group went their way and on February 6^th, 1981, Yoweri Museveni launched his first attack on Obote’s Army at Kabamba Military Training School. Hence the Luweero bush war began.

Determined to rid Uganda of Obote‟s outmoded strong men rule by guns, which accentuated inhuman cruelty and savage barbarity, as quickly as possible, it appeared that Yoweri Museveni thought Military Council, or Junta composed of invariably young inexperienced rebel fighters, who fought in Luweero, may not be good enough to effect the desired fundamental changes properly. Hence the first NRM Government, which he established specifically to begin to effect fundamental changes, was not military council. Instead he used the DP, which was believed to contain good politicians, to form the first NRM regime. Later he proceeded to fight the strongman rule as recounted below.

The fundamental changes which Museveni has so far effected.

After Yoweri Museveni was sworn in as President, he appointed outstanding politicians, mainly the DP supporters, to help him forge civilized system of governance, to replace Obote‟s retrogressive strongman rule. The names of these lucky men that I can remember were as follows:

Paul Semogerere

Yoweri Kyesimira

Abbey Kafumbe Mukasa

Everisto Nyanzi

Ponsiano Mulenga

Adoko Nekyon

Omara Atubo

Henry Kayiira of UFM

Lwanga of the FEDEMU

Records show that these men never did anything needed to change the rule by the guns which, even Museveni‟s NRA soldiers,who were deployed in the North, were already using to rob cattle. This fact came out clearly in Acholi land, especially in Namukora, and it led to the curious arrest of 3 non-NRM Ministers, Everisto Nyanzi, Dr. Lwanga, Dr. Henry Kayiira. Consequently Museveni‟s first fundamental change failed.

Yoweri Museveni never gave up. He quickly searched for creative political thinkers within the society, in order to bring them into his cabinet, to help him to forge a suitable political system, which could replace the strongman system of despotism. Unfortunately it became difficult to identify persons who had knowledge of good governance and could help him effect fundamental change, from the vast society. Therefore, he thought the best way should be to bring knowledgeable persons together in the national parliament, where they would unwittingly outshine one another, when identifying and thinking out appropriate solutions to the vast and complex social causes of unhappiness within the society.

Museveni thus organized democratic elections of men and women, from all parts of the country, to the tiny interim Parliament of the NRM, called National Resistance Council (NRC), with the hope that this shot into the darkness may bring talented persons into the interim parliament, to help disentangle the country from the hangover of Obote‟s megalomaniac “Common Man‟s Charter”. Those elections were carried out and concluded smoothly.

When the elected representatives were sworn in, they were asked to elect one person from every district, to represent them on the NRM National Executive Committee. The newly elected members did as they were told and every district in Uganda became a constituency of the NRM. Therefore, all decisions made by the NRM Chairman alone, would be endorsed by the NEC, and would become decisions of the entire people of Uganda. In this way President Museveni brought all independent and creative political thinkers on board. He warned the pessimists that decisions endorsed, or made by the NEC on behalf of all Ugandans were beyond challenge by individuals or a group of persons. In this way decision of the NRM legally became decision of the people of Uganda.

However, when the expanded NEC members met for the first time, to transact state business, President Museveni was shocked by the ignorance of the elected representatives of the people of Uganda. Instead of beginning seriously to analyze the abominable strongman rule, which Museveni fought for 5 years in Luweero bushes to dislodge, they began to wrangle about petty political issues, in the way our present political party leaders are doing, hence President Museveni adjourned the first meeting indefinitely. That was the first and last meeting of the expanded NRM NEC.

Museveni‟s Third Fundamental Change

But guided by the unmistakable Divine Authority, whether he knew it or not, Yoweri Museveni emerged with an infallible plan to rescue Uganda from the tyrannical rule of the African brand of neocolonial regime, which was reeking with the worldly ambition and lust of dominance.

As Obote‟s1967 Constitution, which was in force, was the repository of the dubious tyrannical African neo-colonialism, Museveni decided that the NRM Government should write a different constitution for the people of Uganda, which accentuates genuine government of the people. For this reason, he appointed a Constitutional Commission headed by a Judge of the High Court, the Honorable Justice Benjamin Odoki. The lavishly funded Constitutional Commission visited all parts of Uganda, and asked the people to choose between the 1967Constitution, which was in force, and any other Constitution, which they prefer for their governance.

At the conclusion the people of Uganda overwhelmingly chose to manage their own affairs, which meant a federal system of government. Only 3 districts of Kapchorwa, Kisoro and Moyo opted to continue being ruled by the 1967 Constitution. The Constitutional Commission under Justice Benjamin Odoki, which was in-charge of writing the new constitution, was made fully aware of the wish of the people of Uganda, who opted to take charge of their own destiny. The Odoki Commission acknowledged the demand of the people in paragraph 0.33 of their Report, which reads as follows:

0.33 We found the people generally in agreement that the new Constitution should provide for the sovereignty of the people, the supremacy of the Constitution and the defence and safeguard of the constitution….

But the lavishly funded Constitutional Commission did not give Ugandans the political system which they wanted. By the Article 69, they avoided to create the required political system. They equivocally stated that the people of Uganda were still to choose a system, whereas, people had already chosen Federalism. The Article which postponed creation of a good political system reads as follows:

69 Political System

The people of Uganda shall have the right to choose and adopt a political system of their choice through free and fair elections or referenda.

The political systems referred to in clause (1) of this article shall include:-
1. The movement political system
2. The multiparty political system; and
3. Any other democratic and representative political system.

The Commission then proceeded to impose the NRM political system on the gullible people of Uganda, which they enshrined in the 1995 Constitution article 70. Odoki‟s Commission then buried Democracy beyond the sight of Uganda politicians, with the first article of the 1995 Constitution which read as follows:

Chapter One

The Constitution

Sovereignty of the people

All power belongs to the people who shall exercise their sovereignty in accordance with this Constitution.

Without limiting the effect of clause (1) of this article, all authority in the State emanates from the people of Uganda; and the people shall be governed through their will and consent.

All power and authority of Government and it’s organs derive from this

Constitution, which in turn derives its authority from the people who consent to be governed in accordance with this Constitution.

The people shall express their will and consent on who shall govern them and how they should be governed, through regular, free and fair elections of their representatives or through referenda.

But the clause (1) of this first article of the 1995 Constitution was a fraud because no provision was made anywhere in the constitution for the people to exercise their sovereignty stated in that very clause (1). Instead the clause (2) of the same first article ingeniously usurped people‟s power, and left people to be dictatorially ruled without their will and consent. The clause (3) and

then tidied up the treasonable usurpation of Uganda people‟s power by the government.

Hence modern democracy was buried beyond the sight of Uganda politicians.

The Chapter Seven to which the stolen power of the people was first transferred and then vested in the person who was to be elected President, reads as follows:

Chapter seven

The Executive

The President

President of Uganda

There shall be a President of Uganda who shall be the Head of State, Head of Government and Commander-in-Chief of the Uganda Peoples’ Defense Forces and the Fountain of Honor.

The President shall take precedence over all persons in Uganda, and in descending order, the Vice President, the Speaker and the Chief Justice shall take precedence over all other persons in Uganda

Before assuming the duties of the office of President, a person elected President shall take and subscribe the oath of allegiance and the Presidential oath specified in the Fourth Schedule to this Constitution.

While holding Office, the President shall not be liable to proceedings in any court.

Civil or criminal proceedings may be instituted against a person after ceasing to be President, in respect of anything done or omitted to be done in his or her personal capacity before or during the term of office of that person; and any period of limitation in respect of any such proceedings shall not be taken to run during the period while that person was President.

This Article 98 (1) of the 1995 Uganda Constitution would automatically elevate any Sectarian Political Party Leader, who won general elections, to the sacred status which is appropriate for saints, who are above worldly ambition. But being devoid of divine authority to guide him in matters of eternal truth and God‟s Laws, any political party leader, who happened to be elected President,would follow the diverse ways of mortal beings, which are fraught with worldly ambition and lust for dominance. Therefore, he or she would inevitably engage in frantic pursuit of worldly wealth, like his predecessors whose misrule has shattered our moral precepts to shreds and brought us to the moral wilderness, in which we are floundering helplessly today. The article 99(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) which follows these outlandish articles was the last nail in the coffin of democracy. It reads as follows:

Executive authority of Uganda

The executive authority of Uganda is vested in the President and shall be exercised in accordance with this Constitution and the Laws of Uganda.

The President shall execute and maintain this Constitution and all laws made under or continued in force by this Constitution

It shall be the duty of the President to abide by, uphold and safeguard this Constitution and the laws of Uganda and to promote the welfare of the citizens and protect the territorial integrity of Uganda.

Subject to the provisions of this Constitution, the functions conferred on the President by clause (1) of this article may be exercised by the President either directly or through officers subordinate to the President.

A statutory instrument or other instrument issued by the President or any person authorized by the President may be authenticated by the signature of a Minister; and the validity of any instrument so authenticated shall not be called in question on the ground that it is not made, issued or executed by the President.

This chapter seven of the 1995 UgandaConstitution is the nucleus of moral wickedness, which has already reduced the Pearl of Africa into the Den of Criminals, in which Senior Police Officers, Muslim Clerics, incorruptible State Officers and innocent women like, Suzan Magara and many others have been assassinated with impunity, while the mobile money agents and Boda Boda Riders are being kidnapped continuously and murdered for money. This is unacceptable situation which must be stopped.

The chapter seven of the 1995 Constitution is the breeding ground for the moral wickedness we are witnessing helplessly today. For example, to comply with the Article 98, if any of our lamentably ignorant and incorrigibly sectarian leaders of the invariably sectarian political parties, happened to win Presidential Election, he or she would automatically become President of Uganda, Head of State, Head of Government, Commander-in-Chief of Uganda People‟s Defense Forces and the Fountain of Honor, who is not liable to proceedings in any court.

The article 99 of the 1995 Uganda Constitutionvested Executive Authority of Uganda in any sectarian leader of a political party who won elections, immediately after he or she was sworn in as President. Henceforth, by being the National President the former sectarian party leader would become the sole owner of Uganda. Therefore he would become the only soul in Uganda who would exercise the Executive Authority of Uganda. No any other person in Uganda is allowed to exercise the Executive Authority of Uganda but only persons who have been appointed by the elected President, under the Article 99(4), to represent him and to exercise his exclusive presidential power on his behalf.

Yoweri Museveni became the first elected President toexercise the executive authority of Uganda, as prescribed by the 1995 Constitution. Unfortunatelyat the time the 1995

Constitutionbecame the supreme law, Uganda was still fraught with the vestiges of the inhuman cruelty and savage barbarity, which Milton Obote first perpetrated to dismantle the exquisitely organized 5 Federal States of Buganda Kingdom, Ankole Kingdom, Bunyoro Kingdom, Busoga Territory, Toro Kingdom, and the 10 autonomous Districts of Acholi, Bugisu, Bukedi, Karamoja, Kigezi, Lango, Madi, Sebei, Teso, and West Nile.

But the centralized despotic system, which Milton Obote established to ensure his personal control of the politically deprived people of the former 5 federal states and the 10 districts, could not stop the ominous spread of the moral wickedness in the country. For this reason, Yoweri Museveni decentralized the despotic control of inalienable functions of the government ministries and other state institutions. But heretained personal control of the armed forces and the universities only.Hence he became “Commander-in-Chief of the Uganda People‟s Defense Forces” and the “Chancellor of all Public Universities in Uganda”

In that capacity, President Museveni appointed persons of his choice to command the army. Likewise, he appointed persons of his choice to be Vice Chancellor of the Public University, toexercise his executive authority under close supervision.

When Museveni came to appoint Police Commander, he did not find a person he could trust amongst the Professional Police Officers. Therefore to control Police Force indirectly, through military discipline, an army officer, Gen. Kale Kayihura, was appointed Police Inspected-General and put over the head of professional police officers.

The dictatorial rule by the elected President enshrined in the 1995 Constitution, does not accommodate modern democracy. Also, it has failed to develop a civilized society in Uganda. We already held 5 general elections, with intent to vote another party into the power, to replace it, but without success. For this reason only People‟s Dialogue can help us.

Futility of Elections

Many ignorant Uganda politicians, who have no knowledge of what went wrong in Uganda and should be analyzed and eliminated, by theintellectuals,before the 2021 General Elections, are frantically preparing for that elections. But not a single one of them or political parties, to which they belonged, has produced a blueprint of their plans to address the vast and complex social evils which face Uganda today, if they are voted into power.

Without seasoned political party leaders, who have full knowledge of the real political problem of Uganda and viable plan to resolve it, I wonder whether holding the 2021 elections is desirable. In my opinion, the results of any elections, held before amendment of the 1995 Constitution is likely to be as follows:

If the NRM party won, which is likely to be, President Yoweri Museveni will continue to rule Uganda, in the way he has done and is still doing since his NRM captured power. He

has tried to effect fundamental change in the Uganda politics, as narrated in this writings earlier on, but he did not succeed because the people of Uganda had no knowledge of the outmoded politics he wanted to modernize. That ignorance of the people still exists. For this reason, the ignorant people won‟t stop the worsening criminal activities.

If another leader of one of the sectarian political parties, who are wrangling for leadership without viable vision for Uganda, won the 2021 election, he or she will automatically become President, Head of State, Head of Government, and Commander-in-Chief of the UPDF and the Fountain of Honor, who shall not be liable to proceedings in any court.

Should we expect sectarian political party leader, who endured Police harassment for many years, and now elevated to the status of citizen number one, to spearhead the amendment of the law, which established the position of citizen number one, which he occupied, and drag him down to the position in which the Police would harass him again? Ponder this question seriously.

Fortunately, President Yoweri Museveni had effected the most important fundamental change, which has immensely strengthened our capacity to face the challenge of redeeming Uganda with a better knowledge of art, or science, of management of society, which we could not access for 57 years.

Now President Museveni has waived the last vestige of Obote‟s devilish edict, which had prohibited our religious leaders, who have support of the Divine Authority, from guiding their Christian converts in the matters of leadership and governance, since the day his illegitimate government usurped ownership of all Primary and Secondary Schools, as well as Teachers Training Colleges, that were built and owned by Christian Missionaries.

For the first time in the history of Uganda, President Museveni sat down with our religious leaders for serious discussion of purely political issues, in the State House, Entebbe, on 18^th December, 2018. This Entebbe meeting opened a new chapter of serious and correct search for the solutions of the moral wickedness, which has reduced the Pearl of Africa into the Den of Criminals, who commit crimes without fear.

Now that Yoweri Museveni has leveled Uganda‟s political ground and brought back the religious leaders, who were politically ostracized by Milton Obote, to serve God as spiritual guardians, these servants of God should take over the organization of a National Dialogue, which should identify the crucial problem of Uganda and harmonize our understanding of that problem, to enable us move together and resolve that problem once and for all.

According to my findings, as narrated in this writing, that crucial problem is enshrined in the 1995 Constitution. For this reason, it can only be amended or deleted by alteration of the 1995 Constitution.

The 1995 Constitution was enacted by all people of Uganda, represented by democratically elected Constituent Assembly. For this reason it can only be amended by all people of Uganda represented by the National Conference, through dialogue. Therefore I strongly recommend that the National Conference should be composed of important socio-economic organizations, in order of their importance, as follows:

President Yoweri Museveni-Patron.

Religious Organizations, namely, Anglican Church of Uganda, Catholic Church of Uganda, Muslim Supreme Council of Uganda, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints in Uganda, Orthodox Church and Watoto Church of Uganda

The former 5 federal States of Buganda Kingdom, Ankole Kingdom, Bunyoro Kingdom, Toro Kingdom, Busoga Territory, and the Kingless districts of Acholi, Bugisu, Bukedi, Karamoja, Kigezi, Lango, Madi, Sebei, Teso and West Nile.

Executive Committee of People Power

The Executive Committee of the Uganda Law Society

The Chairpersons and Secretaries of the Public Universities Academic Staff Associations in Uganda.

Chairperson and secretary of the Uganda Medical Association.

Ugandan Institution of Professional Engineers

All leaders of the impotent political parties of Uganda, who have been muzzled by the dictator and made defunct.

Uganda National Teachers Union (UNATU)

Uganda Women’s Coalition for Peace

Ugandans Representatives in Diaspora

Cardinal obligation of the National Dialogue

The cardinal obligation of the national dialogue should be to remove guns from Uganda politics. In order to remove guns from Ugandan politics, we must completely avoid using guns to change Governments. Any political party, or a group, which used guns to effect a change of government, shall be forced to maintain and strengthen the gun force, which they used to effect the change, to protect a government they formed after the change. For this reason guns will never leave Uganda politics.

Our forefathers built highly cultured society, which did not produce habitual criminals, without guns. Let us study how they did it and emulate them.

Need to know the truth

A well executed research by two Law Scholars, Prof. Frederick JJuko and Dr. Sam Tindifa, titled

“People‟s Dialogue” published by Fountain Publishers, has revealed that we are ignorant of the

political problem facing Uganda and must be addressed before the 2021 general elections. They quoted one respondent who vehemently emphasized our ignorance as follows:

Of all the respondents interviewed, only one clearly expressed the unequivocal view that there was absolutely no need for a national dialogue. He stated that the present democratic dispensation provides a framework for resolving all outstanding issues:

The elites may think we need a dialogue but this is largely because they have shunned politics and lumpens will fill in the gap³

The other reason he offered for rejecting a national dialogue related to his view that “most of the population has no capacity to appreciate the issues and you can’t force them”. He escalated the point to a more serious level when he stated that Africans are very backward and the majority are lumpens and the elite have eschewed politics. Therefore a national dialogue will be an exercise in futility⁴

This fact has been confirmed by Dr. Paddy Musana of Makerere University, in an erudite

academic comment titled “Proposed religious and faith based policy is a money and time-

wasting undertaking” published in the New Vision on Thursday, August 15^th, 2019. He argued

in the column 4 paragraph 3-4 as follows;

We suffer from a lot of ignorance and I dare state, this ignorance is so much present among the elite in the matters of leadership and governance. A few knowledgeable elites find opportunity and take advantage of this ignorance to make proposals that they know they will benefit from.

Otherwise, the actions of very few individuals, which can be perfectly addressed using the existing laws cannot warrant the need for another policy, which will just duplicate what is in place, but not invoked.

Knowledge not applied is a form of foolishness and we are not short of knowledgeable fools.

Conclusion

Dr. Musana argued in the last paragraph of his above quoted writing that “we are not short of knowledgeable fools”. This is a mistake. The people we call “Elites” in Africa are not

knowledgeable about Africa before European advent.

What we have learned from some books, written by European Scholars about Africa did not make us knowledgeable at all. The books were politically tailored to legitimize the abominable

People‟s Dialogue published by Fountain Publishers

Ibid

The DOs and DON‟Ts were irrevocably linked to one omnipotent God, who was known in Acholi Language as NYARUBANGA. In Luganda He was called, KATONDA and in Lunyoro He was known as RUHANGA. Therefore no mentally healthy person could violate the DOs and DON‟Ts. As a result the society did not produce habitual criminals. Hence there was no need for Police Force. Also there was not a single Prison House anywhere in the Great Lakes Region.

But the pioneer European Scholars, who wrote books about the native cultures, never adequately described the society they found in existence. At the same time, they never taught us modern Art or Science, of Management of Society. Hence, we remained ignorant, as Dr. Paddy Musana has ably pointed out.

Because we are ignorant and have no power to do what should be done, to put Uganda on the correct course of development, powerless Uganda Elites have chosen to lay down their tools and plead with the strong man in power, to improve their appalling conditions of service. But Striking by Elites is a futile exercise.

Elites should join The Honorable Robert Kyagulanyi and remove the backward NRM political system. In order to do this satisfactorily, we must know how Obote began the strong man rule, which brought Uganda into the present moral wilderness. Abridged history of Obote‟s rape of Uganda is available in a book titled THE NEED FOR NATIONAL DIALOGUE TO REDEEM UGANDA, published on AMAZON on-line. The 2021 general elections must bring real change. Enough is enough, we must be free. But do not use violence to effect this long overdue change. All of us are to blame. Therefore no one should be unjustly victimized.